THE PRINCE
by Nicolo Machiavelli
Translated by W. K. Marriott
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CHAPTER VIII
Concerning Those Who Have Obtained
A Principality By Wickedness
ALTHOUGH a prince may rise from a
private station in two ways, neither of which can be entirely
attributed to fortune or genius, yet it is manifest to me that I
must not be silent on them, although one could be more copiously
treated when I discuss republics. These methods are when, either by
some wicked or nefarious ways, one ascends to the principality, or
when by the favour of his fellow-citizens a private person becomes
the prince of his country. And speaking of the first method, it will
be illustrated by two examples- one ancient, the other modern- and
without entering further into the subject, I consider these two
examples will suffice those who may be compelled to follow them. (Note
1)
Agathocles, the Sicilian, became
King of Syracuse not only from a private but from a low and abject
position. This man, the son of a potter, through all the changes in
his fortunes always led an infamous life. Nevertheless, he
accompanied his infamies with so much ability of mind and body that,
having devoted himself to the military profession, he rose through
its ranks to be Praetor of Syracuse. Being established in that
position, and having deliberately resolved to make himself prince
and to seize by violence, without obligation to others, that which
had been conceded to him by assent, he came to an understanding for
this purpose with Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, who, with his army,
was fighting in Sicily. One morning he assembled the people and
senate of Syracuse, as if he had to discuss with them things
relating to the Republic, and at a given signal the soldiers killed
all the senators and the richest of the people; these dead, he
seized and held the princedom of that city without any civil
commotion. And although he was twice routed by the Carthaginians,
and ultimately besieged, yet not only was he able to defend his
city, but leaving part of his men for its defence, with the others
he attacked Africa, and in a short time raised the siege of
Syracuse. The Carthaginians, reduced to extreme necessity, were
compelled to come to terms with Agathocles, and, leaving Sicily to
him, had to be content with the possession of Africa. (Note
2).
Therefore, he who considers the
actions and the genius of this man will see nothing, or little,
which can be attributed to fortune, inasmuch as he attained
pre-eminence, as is shown above, not by the favour of any one, but
step by step in the military profession, which steps were gained
with a thousand troubles and perils, and were afterwards boldly held
by him with many hazards and dangers. Yet it cannot be called talent
to slay fellow-citizens, to deceive friends, to be without faith,
without mercy, without religion; such methods may gain empire, but
not glory. Still, if the courage of Agathocles in entering into and
extricating himself from dangers be considered, together with his
greatness of mind in enduring overcoming hardships, it cannot be
seen why he should be esteemed less than the most notable captain.
Nevertheless, his barbarous cruelty and inhumanity with infinite
wickednesses do not permit him to be celebrated among the most
excellent men. What he achieved cannot be attributed either to
fortune or to genius. (Note
3)
In our times, during the rule of
Alexander VI, Oliverotto da Fermo, having been left an orphan many
years before, was brought up by his maternal uncle, Giovanni
Fogliani, and in the early days of his youth sent to fight under
Paolo Vitelli, that, being trained under his discipline, he might
attain some high position in the military profession. After Paolo
died, he fought under his brother Vitellozzo, and in a very short
time, being endowed with wit and a vigorous body and mind, he became
the first man in his profession. But it appearing to him a paltry
thing to serve under others, he resolved, with the aid of some
citizens of Fermo, to whom the slavery of their country was dearer
than its liberty, and with the help of the Vitelli, to seize Fermo.
So he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that, having been away from home
for many years, he wished to visit him and his city, and in some
measure to look into his patrimony; and although he had not laboured
to acquire anything except honour, yet, in order that the citizens
should see he had not spent his time in vain, he desired to come
honourably, so would be accompanied by one hundred horsemen, his
friends and retainers; and he entreated Giovanni to arrange that he
should be received honourably by the citizens of Fermo, all of which
would be not only to his honour, but also to that of Giovanni
himself, who had brought him up. (Note
4)
Giovanni, therefore, did not fail in
any attentions due to his nephew, and he caused him to be honourably
received by the Fermans, and he lodged him in his own house, where,
having passed some days, and having arranged what was necessary for
his wicked designs, Oliverotto gave a solemn banquet to which he
invited Giovanni Fogliani and the chiefs of Fermo. When the viands
and all the other entertainments that are usual in such banquets
were finished, Oliverotto artfully began certain grave discourses,
speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare, and
of their enterprises, to which discourse Giovanni and others
answered; but he rose at once, saying that such matters ought to be
discussed in a more private place, and he betook himself to a
chamber, whither Giovanni and the rest of the citizens went in after
him. No sooner were they seated than soldiers issued from secret
places and slaughtered Giovanni and the rest. After these murders
Oliverotto, mounted on horseback, rode up and down the town and
besieged the chief magistrate in the palace, so that in fear the
people were forced to obey him, and to form a government, of which
he made himself the prince. He killed all the malcontents who were
able to injure him, and strengthened himself with new civil and
military ordinances, in such a way that, in the year during which he
held the principality, not only was he secure in the city of Fermo,
but he had become formidable to all his neighbours. And his
destruction would have been as difficult as that of Agathocles if he
had not allowed himself to be overreached by Cesare Borgia, who took
him with the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigaglia, as was stated above.
Thus one year after he had committed this parricide, he was
strangled, together with Vitellozzo, whom he had made his leader in
valour and wickedness. (Note
5)
Some may wonder how it can happen
that Agathocles, and his like, after infinite treacheries and
cruelties, should live for long secure in his country, and defend
himself from external enemies, and never be conspired against by his
own citizens; seeing that many others, by means of cruelty, have
never been able even in peaceful times to hold the state, still less
in the doubtful times of war. I believe that this follows from
severities being badly or properly used. Those may be called
properly used, if of evil it is lawful to speak well, that are
applied at one blow and are necessary to one's security, and that
are not persisted in afterwards unless they can be turned to the
advantage of the subjects. The badly employed are those which,
notwithstanding they may be few in the commencement, multiply with
time rather than decrease. Those who practise the first system are
able, by aid of God or man, to mitigate in some degree their rule,
as Agathocles did. It is impossible for those who follow the other
to maintain themselves. (Note
6)
Hence it is to be remarked that, in
seizing a state, the usurper ought to examine closely into all those
injuries which it is necessary for him to inflict, and to do them
all at one stroke so as not to have to repeat them daily; and thus
by not unsettling men he will be able to reassure them, and win them
to himself by benefits. He who does otherwise, either from timidity
or evil advice, is always compelled to keep the knife in his hand;
neither can he rely on his subjects, nor can they attach themselves
to him, owing to their continued and repeated wrongs. For injuries
ought to be done all at one time, so that, being tasted less, they
offend less; benefits ought to be given little by little, so that
the flavour of them may last longer. (Note
7)
And above all things, a prince ought
to live amongst his people in such a way that no unexpected
circumstances, whether of good or evil, shall make him change;
because if the necessity for this comes in troubled times, you are
too late for harsh measures; and mild ones will not help you, for
they will be considered as forced from you, and no one will be under
any obligation to you for them. (Note
8)
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